Reappropriation identity: re-Maoïsation the agenda?
"There are two kinds of personality cult. The first is a cult saint. For example, the cult of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, because these characters have the truth in their hands. The second is a false personality cult, the blind adoration, worship has not been analyzed. " Mao Zedong, 1958
An analysis of Charles Hudon
There is hardly one year, very few people predicted that China could escape the collapse of U.S. markets without going into severe recession. Today, the vigor with which China has managed to orchestrate the recovery is starting to silence the skeptics. So the West streamlines logic resources in a crisis, China, she allows himself the luxury of extravagance. The latest example was in last week's start of construction in Changsha, a statue 32 meters high representing the head of Mao Zedong. The cost of this undertaking is estimated at 300 million RMB (over $ 45 million). Besides the economic implications of such an excess, this construction raises questions as to the ideological approach implied by such a project.
A priori, the statues of Mao Zedong did are not uncommon in China. Chengdu, Shenyang, Nanjing, are only some examples among the best known. However, these statues were erected at a time different from ours, pursuing specific goals. By embodying the revolutionary purity, Mao played a role as a beacon for the nation, without whom the revolutionary ideal was unattainable. To unify the people behind the revolutionary goal, large amounts of artwork portraying Mao were produced and distributed. Numerous posters and musical compositions were referring to Mao as "the red sun in the center of our hearts" (我们 心中 的 红 太阳) or "as the savior of the people" (人民 的 大 救星).
After the death of the great helmsman, the construction of statues of Mao declined. The reason is simple. Ideologically, a significant difference separating Mao's successor. In fact, Deng Xiaoping hated this "cult of personality" dedicated to Mao. Once in power, it is this spirit that led him to ban the production of statues in his likeness in order to avoid repeating what he thought he was a big mistake. His rise to power also favored some questioning of the legacy Mao. According to his successor, the Great Helmsman's policies were good and bad at 70% to 30%. Speaking in this way, Deng was deliberately referring to the decision that Mao had made Stalin, or a balance sheet 70/30. In doing so, Deng Mao subtly likened to Stalin, an insult disguised under the guise of a compliment. Enjoying a greater ability to criticize Deng had to do time, it was thought that the new generation of leaders would have been tempted to simply reverse that ratio. History seems to show otherwise ... If
now seems clear that the ruling party in China has no interest in promoting socialist ideals, why inject valuable assets in this company worthy of the Maoist era? The reason probably lies in the fact that although the revolutionary socialist dream is indeed dead and buried in China, the new ideological framework on which Beijing hopes to establish its legitimacy is not any less precarious. Aware of the deep spiritual void left by the abandonment of communist ideals and the fragility of the socio-economic order created by multi-ethnicity that characterizes his company and a style of capitalism that it is very personal, Beijing is seeking a new legitimacy. The reappropriation of the Confucian legacy represents a chapter in this saga, the "re-Maoïsation" of the company could also go in this direction.
The company is not without risk. To me, Beijing offers a spectacular level of balancing, a remarkable level of difficulty. In fact, erect a statue of a theorist of world socialism in a country struggling with huge social inequalities represents a turn impressive strength. Erect a statue of a head of state whose record in terms of loss of life is comparable to the worst dictators in human history, and this in a country that has not yet asked a second look at this part of its history, requires some admirable qualities of a magician. To achieve the illusion, Beijing must be based on a simple fact: the story can sometimes be a very selective memory!
In the modern history of China, new statues "classic" Mao did nonetheless emerge. In 2006, for example, a statue of Mao was erected near Lhasa. This statue stands, however, does not hundreds of others like them and because of its presence in Tibet speaks for itself. What interests us here is the special case of the head of Mao in Changsha, different from the classical statues in many ways.
Visiting the modern Chinese cities, the sight of these ancient statues of Mao inevitably reminds us of another era, memories of an old China underdeveloped. These statues are normally Mao looking skyward, victorious, well above the outstretched arm, or a Mao overlooking hordes of workers in awe. They Mao depict a mature, which seems as smart as severe. If these statues are intended as vestiges of another era, what symbol could represent today the arrival of this new modern China? The answer is simple: a young Mao! To this end, the head of Changsha is a first. This statue gives us the representation of Mao as it was in 1925, a Mao with long hair, the refined and sophisticated tunes. Despite his youth, Mao seems more mature than ever. The fact that the portrait has probably nothing to do with what Mao really had to look at 32 years matter. What could be more effective than recycling an old icon familiar to all, taking care to adapt to the necessities of day to create a consensus within society?
To be even more convincing, a historical anecdote surrounds the work. From 1913 to 1918, Mao still in school, had traveled frequently to the place where the statue was built today for inspiration and find the truth about the rescue of China and Chinese (救国 救民) . It is said that this particular location, Mao had promised heaven to destroy the old world to build New China (砸碎 旧 世界, 建立 新 中国). No references to misjudgment, to economic failure, famine, thousands of dead ...
This attitude toward history tells us much about the perception that the Chinese now have for themselves. In the late 19th century, with the encounter with the West, a decline of identity occurred in China. Values and Chinese cultural identity is suddenly more consistent with the vision that China wanted to project of itself. The Chinese identity became suddenly stunted. This realization led China to set aside several characters who played roles as pillars of identity for their companies for hundreds, even thousands of years. All that no longer consistent with the view that China wanted to project itself was Discart. To this end, Confucius is probably the best example. In the century that followed, the Chinese sought tirelessly to answer the question: "How to be modern while being Chinese? "Mao, who arrived only very tentatively answer this question, suffers, albeit at a level much less, more or less the same fate (at least from the ruling elites).
The erection of this statue, however, leaves suggests that China may have finally found an answer to this central question. Indeed, the lightning speed at which China is developing for the past 30 years, combined with the economic crisis affecting the West today are changing the way China is perceived in relation to the world. To varying degrees, the Chinese response could be structured this way: "We're modern and we are Chinese," or, "We are modern because we are Chinese, "or simply" Modernity is China! "
This awareness provides greater flexibility to the ideologists of the Party. If modernity is Chinese, China has a monopoly of its definition. If China becomes synonymous with modernity, the past can no longer be considered a synonym of delays or obstacles. We can now review the history of China to present it as a chain of events leading to a glorious destiny radiant common. In this regard, after Confucius, who was already largely rehabilitated, which may come embody the living testimony of a glorious past and the representation of prominent national cohesion? Mao Zedong, him again! But not without some minor ... So, can become Mao China, and China, success in an equation that assumes the value of science. Once the deification of this representation of past completed, the new leaders have to convince the public they are the direct heirs of his thought and legitimate and voila. After all, a tree can not achieve all its glory without relying on strong roots.
This process of reclaiming history is not strictly Chinese. In this regard, a editorial published in Le Devoir in 2007 by Serge Truffaut allows some interesting parallels. The latter wrote:
all started with this opinion, and not finding, stating that the implosion of the Soviet Empire was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century. This enormity, Putin has articulated on several occasions before deciding on relocation, if one may say, the Soviet anthem as the national anthem of Russia. Unlike South Africa after apartheid and Germany after Nazism, the Russian authorities have avoided any duty of memory. In fact, there have been commissions, inquiries, but nothing has been finalized. Nobody has been charged. Result ...
result, a majority of Russians now believe that Stalin's atrocities were exaggerated by Westerners, including Americans, since both the others have always aimed sustainable weakening of eternal Russia. Still, once the rehabilitation of Stalin well underway, and well accepted by the population, Putin felt comfortable enough to dedicate a museum Stalin.
More depressing was the reaction of young people. If you believe a string of polls, over 60% of them believe that Stalin had done more good than harm, it deserves a place in the pantheon of the greats of the country's history.
over 60% of them believe that the U.S. is the number one enemy of the country. Over 60% believe, like Putin, that the implosion of the Soviet bloc is indeed geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century.
To each his own interpretation of history, the value of such a parallel is of course limited. Although after his death, Mao was never far demonized than was Stalin, the Russian case can still help us to draw waves guidelines allow us to anticipate the ramifications implied by a possible "re-Maoïsation" of Chinese society.
Conclusion The emergence on the international stage, China is gaining confidence. This new position allows him to take a fresh look at its history. This suggests that it is on the solidification of a national identity centered on itself, on a heritage, culture, folklore and heroes shared the Communist Party intends Now build a harmonious society and thus its legitimacy. As aptly pointed out Anne-Marie Thiesse, in "The Creation of National Identities," "the cult of tradition and the celebration of ancestral heritage has been an effective counterweight to allow Western companies to make radical changes without falling into the anomie. " History may repeat itself, so to allow China to successfully pursue the mutation it began 30 years ago with the advent of reforms.
It will, however, much more than the erection of statues of "super Mao 2009, improved version" for the proposition is confirmed rejuvenation of Mao is a corrupt elite concerted policy to reclaim his heroes for political stability. The thesis would gain credibility if, for example, Mao was granted a new place in education in China, as is presently the case with Stalin in Russia. Without making it more now (Mao already occupies a considerable space, allocated several years ago in a strategy of ideological shaping today archaic) the government may soon be tempted to rejuvenate his academic approach with respect to the Great Helmsman.
In my opinion by cons, China would do well to put some more emphasis on Deng, and less on Mao. If the government plans to initiate a strategy of propaganda designed to glorify the New China, the erection of statues in memory of Deng would probably be much more logical, legitimate and easy to defend.
Charles Hudon, Kunming
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